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Dr. Igor Janev, Perceptions - Journal of
International Affairs, Vol.VII, no. IV,
Dec. 2002 – Feb. 2003
(Dr Igor Janev is a scientific researcher
at the Institute of Political Studies in
Belgrade, Yugoslavia.)
1. Introduction
Macedonia’s
admission to UN membership in April 1993
(General Assembly (GA) resolution 47/225
(1993),[1]
pursuant to the Security Council (SC) resolution
817 (1993)[2]
recommending such admission) came with two
conditions in addition to those explicitly
provided in Article 4(1) of the UN Charter,
namely the candidate’s acceptance of: (i)
being provisionally referred to as the ‘Former
Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia’ (for all
purposes within the United Nations) and
(ii) of negotiating with another country
over its name.[3]
These impositions are part of the resolutions,
which also recognised (explicitly in SC
resolution 817) that the applicant fulfils
the standard criteria of Article 4(1) of
the Charter required for admission. In a
recent paper,[4]
we analysed the legal nature of the additional
conditions imposed on Macedonia for its
admission to UN membership in the context
of the advisory opinion of International
Court of Justice (ICJ) given in 1948 regarding
the conditions for admission of a state
to the United Nations.[5]
The General Assembly subsequently accepted
the ICJ’s advisory.[6]
There we concluded that the attachment of
conditions (i) and (ii) to those specified
in Article 4(1) of the Charter for the admission
of Macedonia to UN membership is in violation
of the Charter.
In
the present article, we shall examine the
legal consequences of the irregular admission
of Macedonia to UN membership and the possible
modes of judicial redress. Emphasis will
be on the relationship between the rights
of states as applicants or members of the
UN as derived from the Charter, other general
UN documents and UN legal practices on the
one hand, and the duties of the UN relating
to those rights (i.e. its adherence to the
provisions of the Charter) on the other.
The analysis in the following sections will
show that the advisory jurisdiction of the
ICJ provides an adequate framework for juridical
redress of the problem.
Before
analysing in more depth the illegal character
and legal effects of the UN’s breaches in
the process of admitting Macedonia to membership
and the means of re-instituting the proper
legal status of Macedonia as a UN member,
we shall give a brief account of the problem
of legal responsibility of international
organisations (in particular the United
Nations) for their unlawful acts (or omissions).
We shall give special attention to those
acts that are committed in their relations
with their member states and other international
legal persons.
2. United Nations’ Legal Responsibility
for Acts Involving Relations with Member
States
The
question of the legal responsibility of
international organisations for their illegal
acts has been a subject of discussions among
legal scholars since the forties and fifties.[7]
The main interest has been on the legal
effects of such acts and the possibilities
of their judicial redress. In the absence
of developed legal practice in the area
of international institutional life, the
past discussions on the subject were of
a predominantly doctrinal character.[8]
With the lapse of time, accumulation of
a considerable body of relevant legal practice
has taken place during the last five decades,
which, coupled with the development and
consolidation of certain legal concepts
of international law (such as the legal
personality of international organisations,
etc.), laid the foundations for the development
of a fairly consistent theoretical framework
for the treatment and redress of the illegal
acts of international organizations.8
An international organisation, as an international
legal person, derives its powers (expressed
or implied) from its constitutional source
and is bound to act only within the limits
and in accordance with the terms of the
grant made to it by its members. The most
obvious illegal acts that an organisation
can commit in exercising its powers and
functions are: breach of the constitutional
provisions (e.g. by exceeding its powers),
error in the interpretation of constitutional
provisions, assertion of competence by an
incompetent organ, improper exercise of
a discretion on the basis of inaccurate
or incomplete knowledge or for wrong reasons
or motives, implementation of a decision
adopted by a majority but inconsistent with
the constitutional provisions, suspension
or expulsion from the organisation in absence
of proper justification, wrongful apportionment
of expenses among the members, breach of
the staff rules and regulations, etc.[9]
Unless there are specific provisions in
the constitutional instrument of the organisation
(such as in the case of European Communities[10]),
the effects of the illegal acts of the organisation
are governed by the general principles and
practice of international law.[11]
The United Nations possesses an international
legal personality and the capacity to bring
international claims,[12]
but the Charter does not contain provisions
that explicitly address the question of
its responsibility for unlawful acts of
its organs and the judicial redress of their
consequences. The juridical responsibility
of the UN for its own acts is, however,
a correlative of its legal personality and
the capacity to present international claims.
In the well known Reparation[13]
case, the ICJ, affirming the international
legal personality of the United Nations,
pointed out, “...the rights and duties of
an entity such as the [UN] Organization
must depend upon its purposes and functions
as specified or implied in its constituent
documents and developed in practice,”[14]
thereby affirming that this organisation
has certain duties related to its purposes
and functions. Although the ICJ may, according
to Article 65(1) of its Statute, give an
advisory opinion on any legal question at
the request of the General Assembly and
Security Council, and of any UN organ or
specialised agency within the UN system
upon authorisation by the General Assembly
(Article 96 of the Charter), the Court still
does not have any juridical control over
the legal effects of the acts of the organisation.
The advisory opinions of the Court have
no binding power themselves, but may be
(and normally are) accepted by the organs
requesting them as they induce “moral consequences
which are inherent in the dignity of the
organ delivering [them].”[15]
Exception to this rule is the General
Convention on the Privileges and Immunities
of the United Nations of 1946 which
provides that the opinion given by the Court
(upon the request of the organisation) regarding
differences which could arise between the
organisation and a signatory state shall
be binding to the parties.[16]
In
the advisory jurisdiction of the Court,
there have been only a few cases involving
UN-state relations. In the Reparation
and Mazilu[17]
cases the UN initiated and brought to the
Court the request for an advisory opinion.
In the IMCO[18]
and Certain
expenses[19]cases,
the request for the Court’s opinion was
initiated by the member states (of the IMCO
and the UN, respectively). For the purposes
of our further discussions, we shall outline
some of the characteristic features of these
and a two other cases.
The
IMCO
case is illustrative in several respects.
It is the first case in the history of international
organisations, and of the Court itself,
when the Court was requested to give its
opinion on a question of breach of a constitutional
document (the Convention for the establishment
of IMCO) made by the plenary organ (the
IMCO Assembly) of the organisation. Another
feature of this case is that the question
of legality of the committed act (the election
of the Maritime Safety Committee at the
first session of the IMCO Assembly in 1959)
was put before the Court by the IMCO Assembly
itself (authorised by the UN General Assembly
for such an action) on request by two member
states of the organisation (Liberia and
Panama), who contended that in the course
of the elections their constitutional rights
were violated (namely, to be automatically
elected to Committee membership in accordance
with the explicitly prescribed criteria
in Article 28 of the IMCO Convention, which
they fulfilled). What happened was that
during the elections, most of the voting
members of the organisation took as a basis
for their vote additional criteria, not
expressly provided for in Article 28 of
the Convention, to which they attached a
greater relevance than to those laid down
explicitly in that article. The Court delivered
the opinion “that the Maritime Safety Committee
of the IMCO which was elected on January
15, 1959, [was] not constituted in accordance
with the Constitution for the establishment
of the Organization.”[20]
The
IMCO Assembly accepted the opinion of the
Court at its next session. The Assembly
resolved that the previously elected Committee
should be dissolved and decided “to constitute
a new Maritime Safety Committee in accordance
with Article 28 of the Convention as interpreted
by the International Court of Justice and
its Advisory Opinion.”[21]
Without
going into a more subtle analysis of the
IMCO case,[22]
we would like to point out that the character
of the illegal act (breach of a procedural
constitutional provision by the plenary
organ of the organisation) in the IMCO case
is identical to that of Macedonia’s admission
to UN membership. As we shall see later,
the legal consequences in the Macedonia
case are, however, much more complex. Nevertheless,
the IMCO case may serve as a model for juridical
redress of the Macedonia case as well.
In the Certain
expenses[23]case,
the question put before the Court resulted
from the largely divided views of the UN
members regarding the constitutional basis
of the expenditures authorised by a number
of General Assembly resolutions for the
operation of the UN Emergency Force (UNEF)
in the Middle East and for UN operations
in the Congo (UNOC).
The division of the UN members in this case
was essentially related to the question
of the legality of the mentioned operations
under the terms of the Charter, i.e. regarding
the validity of the corresponding GA resolutions.
The Court’s opinion was given in the affirmative
and was based on arguments that the decisions
of the General Assembly are made in accordance
with the mission of the United Nations (for
the maintenance of world peace and security).
This case illustrates that the decisions
of the General Assembly that are of binding
nature represent acts of the organisation.
According to Article 18 of the Charter,
such acts are of binding nature on the General
Assembly and are related to the budget of
the organisation and to the legal status
of its members (e.g. admission, suspension
and expulsion of members).
The earlier mentioned Reparation
case[24]
elucidates the legal relationship between
the United Nations and its members. The
question put before the Court at the General
Assembly’s request for an advisory opinion
was whether the UN, as an organisation,
had the capacity to bring an international
claim against a state responsible (de
jure or de
facto) for injuries suffered by a UN
agent in the performance of its duties with
a view to obtaining reparation in respect
to the damage caused (a) to the UN and (b)
to the victim (or to persons entitled through
him). In the derivation of its affirmative
response to these questions, the Court first
established that the UN possesses the international
legal personality necessary for discharging
its functions and duties on the international
plane, that the Charter defines the position
of the member states in relation to the
organisation (requiring their assistance
in the discharge of the organisation’s functions
(Article 2(5)), acceptance to carry out
its decisions (and those of the Security
Council) and giving the organisation the
necessary privileges and immunities on their
territories (Articles 104, 105)), and that
the rights and duties of the UN are closely
related to its functions and purposes as
specified or implied in the Charter. From
the facts that (a) the question of the capacity
of the UN to bring an international claim
against a member state was put in the context
of the legal liability of that state (to
pay reparations), and that (b) the Court’s
opinion was given in the affirmative, it
follows that the Charter is an international
treaty to which the organisation effectively
is a party and which, by defining the mutual
rights and responsibilities of the parties,
establishes a contractual relationship between
them.[25] This is further reinforced by the fact that in deriving
its opinion the Court also invoked the General
Convention on the Privileges and Immunities
of the United Nations which, in an explicit
way, establishes the rights, duties and
mutual responsibilities between the signatories
(the member states) and the UN, and even
defines (Section 30 of Article VIII) the
mode of judicial settlement of the disputes
between the different parties (by an ICJ
advisory opinion of binding character).
It can be concluded that both the Charter
and the Convention on Privileges and Immunities
establish a relationship between the legal
responsibility and the legal status of the
international persons involved (the UN and
its member states).
The
Mazilu
case[26]
provides a typical example of when the legal
status of the UN (as represented by one
of its agents) was violated by a member
state.
In
contrast to the Reparation
and Mazilu
cases, the Effects of Awards
case[27]
is an example of when the organisation was
found liable for violating the legal status
of its staff members. The question the General
Assembly put before the Court was whether
there was any legal ground for refusing
to effect a compensation award made by the
UN Administrative Tribunal in favour of
a UN staff member whose contract of service
had been terminated without his assent.
The Court’s opinion was negative. This opinion
was based on the arguments that a contract
of service, concluded between a staff member
and the UN Secretary-General, acting on
behalf of the organisation, engaged the
UN’s legal responsibility as a juridical
person with respect to the other party,
and that, in accordance with Article 10
of the Tribunal’s Statute, the judgement
of the Tribunal was binding on the parties,
final and without appeal. This case illustrates
that, when the organisation violates the
legal status of its elements (including
that of its staff members as defined by
the contract of service), the organisation
becomes responsible as a legal person. Since
the UN Charter possesses also features of
contractual character, through which it
appears as a party, particularly in matters
related to the legal status of its members,
it can be concluded that the violation of
any aspect of the legal status of either
of them by the other leads to the legal
responsibility of the former and involves
the legal personalities of both parties.
From
the above briefly analysed cases on which
the ICJ has given its opinion, several conclusions
can be drawn:
1)
In discharging its constitutional
functions, the UN has both rights and duties,
expressed in or derived from the constitutional
provisions, and has a legal responsibility
for their lawful implementation
2)
The UN Charter, as a multilateral
treaty, enables the UN with an international
legal personality to carry out its duties
and functions and, in the matters that involve
relations between the UN (as a legal person)
and its members, it acquires features of
a contractual character (engaging the liability
of the parties)
3)
Breaches of constitutional provisions
by the plenary organ of the UN, related
to the rights and legal status of its members,
represent unlawful acts of the organisation
(with respect to another international person),
for which the organisation is legally responsible
4)
For the UN’s violations of the constitutional
provisions, particularly the rights related
to the legal status of its member states,
the advisory opinion of the ICJ may serve
as an instrument for settlement of the disputes
(as exemplified by the IMCO
and Effects of Award cases).
3.
The Unlawful Character of Macedonia’s
Admission to UN Membership
As
mentioned in the Introduction, GA resolution
47/225 (1993)[28]
admitted Macedonia to UN membership subject
to the acceptance of the following points:
(i) Macedonia was to be referred to by the
provisional name ‘the Former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia’ for all purposes within the
United Nations, and (ii) it was to negotiate
with Greece over its name. These two conditions
for Macedonia’s admission to UN membership
are additional with respect to those laid
down explicitly in Article 4(1) of the Charter,
which the recommending SC resolution 817(1993)[29]
recognises to be fulfilled by the applicant.
In characterising the legality of the imposition
of the above two conditions on the applicant
for effecting its admission to UN membership,
three questions should be analysed:
(a)
Are the conditions (i) and (ii) indeed
additional to those laid down in Article
4(1) of the Charter, or are they only part
of them, or contained in them?
(b)
Do the conditions provided in Article
4(1) of the Charter form an exhaustive set
of necessary and sufficient conditions for
admission of a state to UN membership, or
can this set be expanded by additional conditions?
(c)
Are the UN political organs (the
Security Council and the General Assembly)
legally entitled to expand the admission
criteria of Article 4(1) of the Charter
on the basis of political considerations?
To
analyse these questions we need to remember
that Article 4(1) of the Charter provides:
“Membership in the United Nations is open
to all other [i.e. other than the original
UN members] peace loving states which accept
the obligations contained in the present
Charter and, in the judgement of the Organisation,
are able and willing to carry out these
obligations.” The conditions for admission
to UN membership, as expressly provided
in this Article, require that the applicant
(1) be a state, (2) be peace-loving, (3)
accepts the obligations of UN Charter, (4)
be able to carry out these obligations,
and (5) be willing to do so. The applicant’s
fulfilment of these conditions is a prerequisite
for recommending (by the Security Council)
and effecting (by a decision of the General
Assembly) the admission, i.e. they have
to be satisfied, in the judgement of the
organisation, prior to the act of admission.
The SC resolution 817(1993), recommending
the admission, recognised that Macedonia
had fulfilled the above conditions at the
time of its application for UN membership.
To
identify the nature of the conditions (i)
and (ii) SC resolution 817 (1993) and the
GA resolution 47/225(1993) imposed on Macedonia,
one should look first into their functional
role, i.e. whether they determine the suitability
of the applicant for membership. The conditions
(i) and (ii), however, are imposed as requirements
on the applicant at the moment of its admission
to UN membership, and they transcend in
time the act of admission. Such requirements
do not serve the purpose of criteria that
the applicant should fulfil before admission
(like those in Article 4), but they are,
rather, conditions that the applicant should
accept to carry on and fulfil after its
admission to membership. Macedonia’s strong
objection[30]
to the inclusion of such conditions in SC
resolution 817(1993) was completely ignored
and admission to UN membership was subjected
to their acceptance. The conditions for
admission imposed on the state by the act
of its admission and which transcend that
act in time, cannot be evidently regarded
as part of, or contained in, those enumerated
in Article 4(1), the fulfilment of which
is required prior to the act of admission.
In absence of the institute of ‘conditional
admission’ to UN membership, conditions
(i) and (ii) must be regarded as conditions
transcending their cause, i.e. as being
additional to those contained in Article
4(1). The additional character of these
conditions with respect to those laid down
in Article 4(1) is also obvious from the
fact that, as it has been mentioned earlier,
SC Res. 817(1993) explicitly recognises
that the applicant satisfies the conditions
for admission prescribed in Article 4(1)
and recommends admission. The very fact
that the conditions (i) and (ii) transcend
in time the act of admission indicates that
their character is not legal, but rather
of political nature. We shall discuss in
more detail the legal consequences of these
conditions somewhat later. At this point,
we would like to emphasise that the imposition
of additional conditions (i) and (ii) in
SC Res. 817 (1993) creates an internal logical
inconsistency in this resolution. Apparently,
the motivation for imposing conditions (i)
and (ii) on the admission of Macedonia to
UN membership was the Security Council observation,
“A difference has arisen over the name of
the State, which needs to be resolved in
the interest of the maintenance of peaceful
and good-neighbourly relations in the region.”[31]
This provision implies that the applicant
state is unwilling to carry out the obligation
in Article 2(4) of the Charter that requires
that the “[m]embers shall refrain in their
international relations from the threat
or use of force against the territorial
integrity or political independence of any
state, or in any other manner inconsistent
with the Purposes of the United Nations.”
On the other hand, the recognition contained
in SC Res. 817 (1993) that the applicant
state fulfils the admission criteria of
Article 4(1) means that the Security Council
affirms that the applicant state is a peace-loving
state, able and willing to carry out the
obligations in the Charter (including Article
2(4)). Therefore, the two statements in
SC Res. 817 (1993) are mutually contradictory.
The
questions (b) and (c) put forward at the
beginning of this Section have been answered
by the advisory opinion of the ICJ in the
Admission
case.[32]
This opinion provides an interpretation
of Article 4(1) of the Charter and has been
accepted by the General Assembly.[33]
The advisory opinion states that a “member
of the United Nations that is called upon,
by virtue of Article 4 of the Charter, to
pronounce itself by vote, either in the
Security Council or in the General Assembly,
on admission of a state to membership in
the Organisation, is not juridically entitled
to make its consent dependent on conditions
not expressly provided in paragraph 1 of
that article.”[34] This opinion of the Court was based on the arguments
that the UN Charter is a multilateral treaty
whose provisions impose obligations on its
members, that Article 4 represents “a legal
rule which, while it fixes the conditions
for admission, determines also the reasons
for which admission may be refused,”[35]
that the enumeration of the conditions in
Article 4(1) is exhaustive since, in the
opposite, “[i]t would lead to conferring
upon Members an indefinite and practically
unlimited power of discretion in the imposition
of new conditions”[36]
(in which case Article 4(1) would cease
to be a legal norm). The conclusion of the
Court was that the conditions set forth
in Article 4(1) are exhaustive: they are
not only the necessary but also the sufficient
conditions for admission to membership of
the United Nations.[37]
The
Court specifically addressed the question
whether from the political character of
the organs responsible for admission (the
Security Council and the General Assembly,
according to Article 4(2)) or for the maintenance
of world peace and security (Security Council,
according to Article 24 of the Charter),
one can derive arguments which could invalidate
the exhaustive character of the conditions
enumerated in Article 4(1). The Court rejected
this possibility and held, “[t]he political
character of an organ cannot release it
from the observance of the treaty provisions
established by the Charter when they constitute
limitations on its powers or criteria for
its judgement.”[38]
Thus, according to the Court’s opinion,
the Charter limits the freedom of political
organs and no political considerations can
be superimposed on, or added to, the conditions
prescribed in Article 4(1) that could prevent
admission to membership.
The
advisory opinion of the Court also emphasised
the functional purpose of the conditions:
they serve as criteria for admission and
have to be fulfilled, in the judgement of
the organisation, before the recommendation
and the decision for admission.[39]
Further, once the competent UN organs have
recognised that these conditions had been
fulfilled, the applicant acquires a (unconditional)
right to UN membership.[40] This right follows from the openness to membership enshrined
in Article 4(1) and from the universal character
of the organisation. In the words of Judge
Alvarez, “[t]he exercise of this right cannot
be blocked by the imposition of other conditions
not expressly provided for by the Charter,
by international law or by convention, or
on grounds of a political nature.”[41]
As
mentioned earlier, the General Assembly,
by Resolution 197(III, A) of 1948, accepted
the Court’s interpretation of Article 4(1)
of the Charter and recommended, “each member
of the Security Council and of the General
Assembly, in exercising its vote on the
admission of a new Member, should act in
accordance with the foregoing opinion of
the International Court of Justice.”[42]
Moreover, in the parts C, D, E, F, G, H,
I, of the same GA Resolution 197(III)[43]
of 1948, the General Assembly has implemented
the Court’s interpretation of Article 4(1)
of the Charter by requesting the Security
Council to provide recommendations for admission
of a number of states to UN membership,
the delivery of which was blocked by certain
Security Council members on the basis of
arguments (of a political nature) not strictly
related to the conditions set forth in Article
4(1).
In
view of the Court’s interpretation of Article
4 of the Charter as a legal norm (which
should be observed also by the UN political
organs) and the General Assembly’s (GA Res.
197(III, A)) acceptance of this interpretation,
it is obvious that the imposition of additional
conditions on Macedonia for its admission
to UN membership is in clear violation of
Article 4(1) of the Charter. From the fact
that the additional conditions transcend
in time the act of admission (with no strictly
specified time limit), it follows that their
imposition did not serve the purpose of
admission conditions (which should be fulfilled
before the act of admission), but rather
a specific political purpose. This indicates
that the additional conditions imposed on
Macedonia for its admission to UN membership
have no legal character and, by their nature,
are extraneous to those contained in Article
4(1).
The
violation of Article 4(1) of the Charter
by the General Assembly’s Resolution 47/225(1993)
is not a mere ultra
vires act. The imposition of additional
conditions on Macedonia for its admission
to UN membership means denial of its right
to admission once it had been recognised
that it fulfilled the exhaustive conditions
set forth in Article 4(1). This right is
enshrined in the Article 4(1) itself (“Membership
in the United Nations is open to all [other]
peace-loving states....”) and is implied
by the principle of universality of the
United Nations. For the UN itself, the principle
of its universality and the provision for
its openness to membership create a duty
to admit an applicant to UN membership when
it has been recognised that it fulfils the
criteria set forth in Article 4(1). Thus,
the imposition of additional conditions
on a state that fulfils the prescribed admission
conditions violates the right of that state
to become a UN member and, at the same time,
one of the fundamental principles of the
UN. The UN’s duty to admit to membership
states that fulfil the conditions of Article
4(1) without imposing additional conditions
has been recognised by the General Assembly
in its Resolution 197(III, parts C, D, E,
F, G, H, I), as mentioned earlier.
4.
Legal Implications and Consequences
of the Imposed Admission Conditions
We
shall now turn to a more substantive analysis
of the additional conditions imposed on
Macedonia by the UN organs for its admission
to UN membership. We need to remember at
this point again that they include acceptance
by the applicant (i) of “being provisionally
referred to for all purposes within the
United Nations as ‘the former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia’ pending settlement of the
difference that has arisen over the name
of the state,”[44] and (ii) of negotiating with Greece over its name (implied
in the second part of the above cited text
common to both GA Res. 47/225(1993) and
SC Res. 817(1993) and from the provision
in the SC Res. 817 (1993) by which the Security
Council “urges the parties to continue to
co-operate with the Co-Chairmen of the Steering
Committee of the International Conference
on the Former Yugoslavia in order to arrive
at a speedy settlement of the difference).”[45]
The reason for imposing these conditions
was given in the preamble of SC Res. 817(1993)
in which the Security Council, after affirming
that the applicant state fulfils the conditions
of Article 4, observes, “a difference has
arisen over the name of the State, which
needs to be resolved in the interest of
the maintenance of peaceful and good-neighbourly
relations in the region.”[46]
This observation of the Security Council,
which has generated the imposition of the
mentioned additional conditions for the
Macedonian admission to the UN membership,
was apparently based on the Greek allegation
that the name of the applicant implies territorial
claims against Greece.[47]
Without examining the legal basis of the
Greek allegation (see later for details
on this aspect), the Security Council, in
accordance with its responsibility for the
maintenance of world peace and security
provided for in Article 24 of the Charter,
has used the above political consideration
as a sufficient basis for imposing the additional
conditions on Macedonia for its admission
to UN membership. We have already seen that
this is not in accordance with the GA Resolution
197(III, A) and the Court’s interpretation
of Article 4(1). However, there are other,
and perhaps even more important, legal implications
of the imposed additional conditions. They
are related to the inherent right of states
to determine their own legal identity, to
the principles of sovereign equality of
states[48] and the inviolability of their legal personality,[49]
and to the legal status (including the representation)
of the member states.
By
imposing conditions on Macedonia regarding
its name, the Security Council and the General
Assembly have essentially denied the right
of Macedonia to choose its own name. The
inherent right of a state to have a name
can be derived from the necessity that a
juridical personality must have a legal
identity. In the absence of such an identity,
the juridical person, such as a state, could
– to a considerable degree, or even completely
– loose its capacity to interact with other
such juridical persons (conclude agreements,
etc) and independently enter into and conduct
its external relations. The name of a state
is, therefore, an essential element of its
juridical personality and, consequently,
of its statehood. The principles of sovereign
equality of states and the inviolability
of their juridical personality lead to the
conclusion that the choice of a name is
a basic, inherent right of the state. This
right is not alienable, divisible or transferable,
and it is a part of the right to self-determination
(determination of one’s own legal identity),
i.e. it belongs to the domain of jus
cogens. External interference with this
basic right is inadmissible. If this were
not true, i.e. if an external factor is
allowed to take part in the determination
of the name of a state, under the assumption
that the subject state has at least a non-vanishing
influence on this determination, it can
easily be imagined that the process of determination
of the name of that state (e.g. via negotiations)
may never end. The state may never acquire
its name, which would create an extraordinary
political and legal absurdity in the international
arena. It is also fairly obvious that if
such external interference with the choice
of name of a state would be allowed, even
through a negotiation process, it might
easily become a legally endorsed mechanism
for interference in the internal and external
affairs of the state, i.e. a mechanism for
degradation of its political independence.
From these reasons, the choice by a state
of its own name must be considered an inherent
right of the state, which belongs, stricto
sensu, in its domestic jurisdiction.
In exercising this right, the states have,
therefore, a complete legal freedom.
The
denial by the UN political organs of the
inherent right of Macedonia to choose its
name, implied by the additional conditions
imposed for its admission to UN membership,
is, therefore, in violation of Article 2
(paragraphs 1 and 7) of the Charter. The
respect for the principles embedded in this
article are equally applicable to the organisation
as is to its members (e.g. Article 2(7)
explicitly forbids the UN from intervening
in matters which are essentially within
the domestic jurisdiction of the states),
and their violation by the UN directly involves
its legal responsibility.
The
violation of Article 2(1) of the Charter
and of the principle of inviolability of
the legal personality of states in the process
of Macedonia’s admission to UN membership
has immediate consequences for its legal
status within the United Nations as a member.
With respect to other UN member states,
Macedonia is obliged to bear within the
UN system an imposed, provisional name (reference)
and to continue to negotiate with Greece
over its name. These additional obligations
on Macedonia as a UN member distinguish
its position from that of the other UN members
and define a discriminatory status. Membership,
as a legal status, contains a standard set
of rights and duties, which are equal for
all UN members (“sovereign equality of the
Members”, Article 2(1)) and derogation or
reduction of these membership rights and
duties for particular states is inadmissible,
particularly in areas which are related
to, or involve, the legal personality of
member states. It follows that the additional
obligations imposed on Macedonia as a UN
member are again in violation of Article
2(1) of the Charter.
The
discriminatory status of Macedonia as a
UN member manifests itself in a particularly
clear manner in the area of representation.
In all acts of representation within the
UN system, and in the field of UN relations
with other international subjects, the provisional
and not the constitutional, name of Macedonia
is to be used. This is in violation of the
right of states to non-discrimination in
their representation in organisations of
universal character (i.e. the UN family
of organisations) expressed in an unambiguous
way in Article 83 of the Vienna convention
on representation of states.[50]
That article of the Convention provides,
“[i]n the application of the provisions
of the present Convention no discrimination
shall be made as between states.”[51] The right to equal representation of states in their
relations with the organisations of universal
character is only a derivative of the principles
of sovereign equality of the states within
the UN and inviolability of their juridical
personality. The representation on a non-discriminatory
basis, however, has a particular significance
in the exercise of the legal personality
of states in their relations with other
states or organisations since it involves
in a most direct and explicit way the legal
identity of the states.
There
is another viewpoint from which the legal
status of Macedonia in the United Nations
could be looked at. It can be questioned
whether a state admitted to UN membership
under conditions (or obligations) that extend
in time with no specified limit and which
degrade its legal personality can be considered
a full
member (in the sense of the principle
of sovereign equality of the members), despite
the fact that the state possesses all other
rights (and duties) provided by membership
status Or, can such a state be considered
rather, de facto, conditionally admitted to UN membership? Suppose that the
negotiating process may extend indefinitely.
What would be the legal status of such a
member carrying out a permanent obligation?
Should it be expelled from the organisation’s
membership for not complying in an efficient
way with the obligation (or for its obstruction)?
Should the other negotiating party also
be expelled from the organisation for the
same reason (assuming that in the negotiations
the parties have equal negotiating status)?
But, expelling the state from UN membership
for failing to fulfil the obligation imposed
by the act of its admission would only prove
that the state had been conditionally admitted
to UN membership and that it had the legal
status of a conditional member of the United
Nations (a status which is not provided
for by the Charter). If, to avoid this conclusion,
expulsion from membership is not effected,
then the UN tolerates a permanent factual
non-compliance of one of its members with
an obligation. It may also be possible that
the obstruction of the settlement of the
dispute is caused by the other negotiating
party (e.g. by insisting to enter into matters
from the domestic jurisdiction of the first
party, or for other – for instance, political
– reasons or motivations). The fulfilment
of the imposed obligation could, thus, depend
not solely on the good will of the party
carrying the obligation, but also on the
other party, i.e. on a factor, which is
outside of its control. This introduces
another component to the legal status of
Macedonia in UN membership, which is related
to its independence in carrying out its
membership obligations.
By denial of the right of the state
to free choice of its name, and by imposing
on it a provisional name for use within
the UN system (i.e. as an attribute to its
membership), the UN has essentially suspended
the legal identity of one of its members
at the moment and by the act of its admission
to membership.[52]
The suspension of the legal identity of
a member state by the act of admission defines
a legal status for that state within the
UN characterised by a derogated legal personality
and reduced (contractual) capacity for conducting
its international relations both within
and outside the UN system. This specific
status of Macedonia as a UN member is clearly
different from that of all other member
states and is in violation with Article
2(1) of the Charter.
All
the above contradictions and inconsistencies
regarding the legal status of Macedonia’s
UN membership have their origin in the violation
of Articles 4(1) and 2(7) of the Charter
by the Security Council and the General
Assembly resolutions related to, respectively,
the recommendation for and effecting of
the admission of Macedonia to UN membership.
We shall now reveal the source of these
violations.
As
indicated earlier, the imposition of additional
conditions in Security Council Resolution
817, recommending Macedonia for admission
to UN membership, was based on concerns
regarding “the maintenance of peaceful and
good-neighbourly relations in the region,”[53]
triggered by the Greek allegation that the
applicant’s name implies territorial claims[54]
against Greece. Greece also advanced claims
that the right of use of the name ‘Macedonia’
belongs, for historical reasons, only to
Greece. There is, however, no legal basis
for linking the conditions for admission
of a state to UN membership, as specified
explicitly in Article 4(1) of the Charter,
with allegations based on assumptions regarding
possible future (political) developments.
Indeed, based on the principle of separability
of domestic and international jurisdictions,
the name of the state, which is a subject
of domestic jurisdiction, does not create
international legal rights for the state
that adopts the name, nor does it impose
legal obligations on other states, which
would be a negation of the basic idea and
purposes of international law. Clearly,
the name, per
se, does not have an impact on the territorial
rights of states.[55]
Furthermore, from the inherent right of
a state to determine its legal identity,
and from the principle that all states are
juridically equal, it follows that all states
have an equal legal freedom in the choice
of their names. For this reason, the Greek
claim that Greece has an exclusive right
to the use of the name ‘Macedonia’ has “no
basis in international law and practice.”[56] Greek opposition to the admission of Macedonia to UN
membership under its constitutional name
is not only without legal basis, but it
is also in violation of international law
by interfering in matters which are essentially
within Macedonia’s domestic jurisdiction.[57]
Thus, by ignoring the principles of separability
of domestic and international jurisdictions
in the case of Macedonian admission to UN
membership, the Security Council has opened
the door for violation of several articles
of the UN Charter and for creation of an
unusual membership legal status that is
not instituted by the Charter and is for
one UN member.
5.
UN’s Legal Responsibility and Possible
Modes of Redress
In
the preceding two sections of this study
we have provided a number of arguments that
clearly show the inclusion of the two additional
conditions in SC Resolution 817 (1993) and
GA Resolution 47/225(1993), related to Macedonia’s
admission to UN membership, violates the
provisions of Articles 4(1), 2(1) and 2(7)
of the Charter and constitutes an ultra
vires act of these organs. Since the
admission to membership, effected by a decision
of the General Assembly, expresses the legal
capacity of the UN to admit a state to membership,
and since a state also has a legal capacity
to become a UN member, it follows that the
act of admission engages the legal personalities
of both the UN and the applicant state,
and that the admission is a legal act of
the UN.[58]
As
argued in Section 3, above, the UN’s responsibility
related to the unlawful admission of Macedonia
into membership derives from the right of
the applicant to admission when it fulfils
the prescribed criteria laid down in Article
4(1) of the Charter, and the UN’s duty to
admit such an applicant to membership, flowing
from the openness of the organisation and
its mission of universality.[59] In this context, the provisions contained in Article
4(1) should be interpreted as a legal norm
of an international treaty that governs
the admission to UN membership.[60]
Observance
of this legal norm is as compulsory for
the UN as it is for the applicant state.
The violation of Article 4(1) in the process
of admission of Macedonia to UN membership
constitutes, therefore, a breach of the
Charter and violation of applicant’s right
to such membership, as guaranteed by the
Charter. The specific content of violation
of Article 4(1) is the UN political organs’
extension of the admission criteria beyond
those enumerated exhaustively in that article,
i.e. an inappropriate and politically motivated
interpretation of Article 4(1), contradicting
the interpretation of that article given
by the ICJ in the Admission
case and accepted (in 1948) by the General
Assembly. In this sense, the UN’s breach
of Article 4(1) of the Charter in the case
of Macedonia’s admission to membership is
similar to the IMCO
case[61]
discussed in Section 2, in which the IMCO
Assembly’s breach of Article 28 of the IMCO
Convention was committed similarly because
of an inappropriate interpretation of the
provisions of that article (resulting in
additional criteria for election to the
IMCO Maritime Safety Committee).
As
argued in Section 4, the determination of
the legal identity of a state is an inherent
right of that state, falling strictly within
its domestic jurisdiction. This right, being
strongly correlated with the right to self-determination,
belongs to the domain of jus cogens. On the other hand, legal identity is an essential element
of the legal personality of a state, the
inviolability of which has again the character
of a jus
cogens norm. The denial of the right
of a state to determine its own name is,
therefore, in violation with the norms of
jus
cogens, reflected in the provisions
of Articles 1(2), 2(1) and 2(7) of the Charter
and in the Declaration on Principles of
International Law.[62]
The UN, as any other subject of international
law, has a duty to respect these norms.
Articles 2(7) specifically and expressly
limit the UN’s powers over matters relating
to the strict internal jurisdiction of states.
The breach of this article in the case of
Macedonia’s admission to UN membership,
by interfering in the inherent right of
this state to choose its own name, is certainly
an ultra
vires act on the part of the UN. Since
the basic principles embodied in the Charter
are mutually interrelated and consistent
with each other, breach of one principle
(or legal norm) leads, usually, to violation
of other principles (or norms). Thus, the
violation of Article 2(7) leads also to
violation of the principle enshrined in
Article 2(1), as generalised by the Declaration
on Principles of International Law (‘sovereign
equality of states’[63]),
and vice
versa. Furthermore, the violation of
Articles 4(1) and 2(7) during the process
of admission leads to a discriminatory legal
status for Macedonia as a UN member, i.e.
to violation of Article 2(1) of the Charter.
(Indeed, ex
injuria jus non oritur.) As we have
argued in the preceding section, the breach
of this article results effectively in suspension
of the legal identity of the member state,
inflicting thus grave damage on its legal
personality (e.g. by reducing its contractual
capacity, its capacities in the domains
of legation and representation, etc), and
on its external political and economic relations.
The UN’s responsibility for violating Article
2(1) derives from its duty to strictly observe
this treaty provision (principle of the
UN), and from its mission to promote legal
justice and the rule of international law.[64]
The
violations of Charter provisions contained
in Articles 4(1), 2(1) and 2(7) may each
serve as a sufficient legal basis (ultra vires acts) for requesting judicial redress, i.e. for removal
of the conditions imposed on Macedonia during
its admission to UN membership and its resulting
discriminatory UN member status. On the
substantive level, however, they are all
closely interrelated (as argued above) since
the violation of Articles 2(1) and 2(7)
underlines the violation of Article 4(1).
On the other hand, the breach of Article
4(1) (which implies violations of Articles
2(1) and 2(7)) appears to be the source
of the problems related to the specific
legal status of Macedonia in UN membership.
Further, the breach of Article 4(1) appears
to be most obvious, since the admission
of Macedonia to UN membership has not followed
(in its substantive part) the standard admission
procedure. Moreover, and most importantly,
this breach is in direct discord with General
Assembly resolution 197 (III, A) regarding
the interpretation of Article 4(1) given
by the ICJ in the Admission
case.[65]
As
a mechanism for judicial redress of legal
consequences generated by the violation
of Article 4(1) in General Assembly resolution
47/225 (1993) and Security Council resolution
817 (1993), the advisory jurisdiction of
the ICJ appears to be the most appropriate
in this case. The question of the legality
of these resolutions in their parts related
to the imposition of additional conditions
on Macedonia regarding its name for its
admission in UN membership (i.e. their compatibility
with the provisions of Article 4(1) of the
Charter) could be put before the Court by
the General Assembly on request by Macedonia
(possibly jointly with a group of member
states that have already recognised Macedonia
under its constitutional name). Since this
question is of a purely legal nature, the
General Assembly may request an advisory
opinion from the Court (Article 96(1) of
the Charter). The General Assembly cannot
obstruct such a request for an advisory
opinion because the requested opinion is
related to the legality of its own act.
Such an obstruction (based on whatever reasons)
would essentially mean that the General
Assembly, as a political organ, was imposing
its own response to the question regarding
the legality of its own act, or, imposing
its own judgement in a case in which it
is itself a party (representing the UN).[66]
This would be incompatible with the basic
legal principles of juridical equality and
bona
fide, and with the mission and the duty
of the UN regarding respect for international
law.[67]
Moreover, the IMCO
case[68]
provides an example in which the UN has
not obstructed the request for a Court’s
advisory opinion regarding the compatibility
of the IMCO plenary organ’s decision with
the provisions of its constitutional document.
On the other hand, since the question regarding
the legality of imposing additional conditions
on Macedonia for its admission to UN membership
is essentially a special case of the more
general question (of the same character)
already considered by the Court in the Admission
case,[69]
there cannot be any uncertainty about the
Court’s competence for its consideration.
For the same reason, and from the obvious
incompatibility of the additional conditions
for Macedonia’s admission to UN membership
with the exhaustive character of the conditions
set forth in Article 4(1) of the Charter,
the Court’s advisory opinion in this case
cannot be different from its opinion already
given in the Admission
case. Similarly, the position of the General
Assembly with respect to the Court’s opinion
in the Macedonian case cannot be different
from its position[70]
taken with respect to the Court’s opinion
in the Admission case. In fact, the Macedonian case is only a specific example
of the general issue considered by the Court
in the Admission
case, created by the non-observance (or
neglect) of the already adopted Court’s
interpretation of Article 4(1) of the Charter.[71]
The
mode of redress via the advisory jurisdiction
of the Court includes also the subtler problem
of the legal consequences of the legally
defective GA resolution 47/225 (1993). Apart
from its preamble (referring to the recommendation
of the Security Council for admitting the
applicant to UN membership with additional
conditions and to the application of the
candidate), GA resolution 47/225 (1993)
contains a decision which includes two parts:
(a) to admit the applicant state to UN membership
and (b) “this State being provisionally
referred to for all purposes within the
United Nations as ‘the former Yugoslav Republic
of Macedonia’ pending settlement of the
difference that has arisen over the name
of the State.”[72]
Part (a) of the GA resolution reflects the
Security Council’s assessment that “the
applicant fulfils the criteria for membership
laid down in Article 4 of the Charter”[73] and follows the Security Council recommendation for
admission of the applicant state to UN membership.
Part (b) of the GA resolution contains the
imposed additional conditions related to
the name of the applicant (and future UN
member) without the acceptance of which
part (a) could not have been effected. Only
part (b) of the GA resolution is ultra
vires and only this part can be considered
void. From the requirement of legality,
the unlawful part (b) of the GA resolution
should be considered as void ab
initio. However, practical consideration
(within the General Assembly, after the
favourable Court’s advisory opinion is received
and presumably adopted) may render the determination
that part (b) of the resolution is void
ex
nunc.[74]
In either case, according to the principle
of severability,[75]
the invalidation of part (b) of the resolution
shoul |